The truth is, the motion in Karnataka precedes the demand for a caste census by Congress MP Rahul Gandhi and AICC president Mallikarjun Kharge, which got here on the heels of a statewide survey in Bihar.
Responding to the PM’s criticism, Kharge advised TOI: “Whereas it’s popularly being known as a caste census, what we’re proposing to do is a socioeconomic and academic survey that goals to evaluate and determine communities eligible for welfare schemes. We’ve already applied a number of schemes like MGNREGA, which aren’t based mostly on caste however on wants of all communities. Modi is making the problem communal solely for electoral acquire.”
Karnataka has been on the forefront of the caste survey challenge — very similar to with ‘ensures’ this season — and a report on it was submitted by a fee headed by Jayaprakash Hegde, now Congress candidate from UdupiChikmagalur. The Siddaramaiah govt accepted the report however is but to implement its suggestions.
Marketing campaign plots of LS polls in Karnataka embody the OBC narrative. If Siddaramaiah together with his Ahinda credentials is Congress’s lead actor, BJP has been projecting PM Modi because the OBC face.
Shivaraj Thangadagi, Karnataka backward lessons welfare minister, advised TOI: “Our govt has executed what none had earlier than by accepting the report. Its implementation won’t solely profit backward communities but in addition the occasion, for sticking to its dedication. The considerations of different communities will probably be addressed whereas implementing this.”
Union house minister Amit Shah and Karnataka chief of opposition R Ashoka have reiterated how BJP was with OBCs with Modi being “sabse bada (greatest) OBC” throughout their campaigns within the state.
Nationally, Nitish Kumar — who had commissioned the Bihar caste survey — leaving INDIA and Congress worrying about caste matrices throughout states could have seen the occasion use the OBC card cautiously, but it surely has included it in its nationwide manifesto, whereas BJP continues to actively woo these communities.
“Congress didn’t tolerate leaders from extraordinarily backward lessons. In 1987, Congress refused to simply accept Karpoori Thakurji as opposition chief whom we honoured just a few days in the past with Bharat Ratna. Nowadays, Congress colleagues specific concern concerning the variety of folks from backward lessons in govt, the place they’re positioned… However I’m shocked they don’t discover the most important OBC (referring to himself),” Modi advised Parliament on Feb 5.
The PM referring to himself as the most important OBC got here shut on the heels of Rahul claiming that Modi’s Teli caste was not a part of different backward lessons.
Nationwide Scene
India’s first correct caste enumeration was below the British in 1931. Subsequently, whereas the Structure addressed schooling and job reservations for SC/STs, the primary impartial govt realised there have been quite a few underprivileged backward commu nities, ensuing within the Kaka Kalekar fee in 1953, which beneficial a castewise census enumeration within the 1961 Census.
Nevertheless it was Mandal Fee’s 1980 report that proved pivotal, figuring out 3,742 OBC communities and recommending 52% quotas — although solely 27% reservations have been applied by V P Singh’s govt in 1989 amid violent protests and authorized battles.
A landmark 1993 Supreme Courtroom judgment (Indira Sawhney case) capped total reservations at 50% however allowed exceptions. It additionally launched the ‘creamy layer’ excluded from reservation, based mostly on annual earnings limits, presently Rs 8 lakh.
Karnataka Pioneers Mysore ruler Nalvadi Krishnaraja Wadiyar appointed the Leslie Miller fee to look at non-Brahmin underrepresentation in 1918, regardless of opposition from then Divan M Visvesvaraya.
Put up-Independence, Nagana Gowda Fee (1960) beneficial 45% job and 50% schooling quotas for OBCs, excluding Lingayats, which prevented implementation. Then, the 1975 LG Havanur panel raised the quantum to 32% throughout the three classes it launched. However the exclusion of Lingayats once more brought on friction.
To deal with this, the T Venkataswamy fee was shaped, which, in its 1986 re port, included some Lingayat sub-castes and, once more, the 1990 O Chinnappa Reddy fee included Muslims, Vokkaligas and Lingayats, however the latter two have been dissatisfied with the illustration. This lastly led to creation of a everlasting BC fee, with the primary in 1994 led by Kudur Narayana Pai.
The Chinnappa Reddy report suggestion was applied in 1994-95 and has since been used because the matrix for reservations within the state.
And in 2015, CM Siddaramaiah arrange the H Kantharaju fee to hold out a socio-economic academic survey, generally known as caste survey. Whereas Siddaramaiah’s tenure ended earlier than the report might be submitted, leaked contents created heartburn amongst Vokkaligas and Lingayats. Subsequent govts didn’t settle for the report citing causes, together with a technicality that the membersecretary hadn’t signed it. This prompted the Jayaprakash Hegde fee to revisit the Kantharaju panel report. The Hegde fee has since submitted its report back to the Siddaramaiah govt.
In between, BJP’s Basavaraj Bommai govt had in Dec 2022 rejigged the classes based mostly on which present reservation was being applied. It eliminated Muslims and added a further quota for Vokkaligas and Lingayats. However its implementation is stalled as a case is pending earlier than Supreme Courtroom.
